Vysočany Congress (Portal of Prague)

In the socialist era, almost every Communist Congress was dubbed as “epoch-making”. Of course, in most cases this was just a “bombastic” description of an event that most of the population didn’t give a damn about. Teams of workers would officially undertake to carry out whatever was decided at a Congress, but in reality they were moaning that there was nothing on TV but politics. There was, however, one Congress that shattered this mould. It was the XIV Congress, which from the very beginning, was planned as “extraordinary”. In the end, however, this Congress was wiped out from the Communist version of history.

Preparations for the XIV Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party had started in the very beginning of Prague Spring. The reformist wing of the Communist Party anticipated the Congress to give a definite “yes” to the ideas of Prague Spring; the rest of the Communists were worried that this is exactly what would happen. What about the public? People were hoping that the planned Congress would give the green light to further democratisation of society. Delegates were supposed to meet again in September 1968. However, it didn’t come to that, as on 21^st August 1968, foreign armies entered the country. The Congress was chaired by Zděnek Šilhán, who stood in place of Alexandr Dubček, as Dubček had been taken captive by the Soviets.

Delegates were summoned to Prague

On 21^st August, the Municipal Committee of KSČ (the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) decided to summon delegates for the Extraordinary Congress of KSČ (the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia). The Congress was planned to take place on 9^th September; its delegates were already elected.

Politicians in Moscow were aware of the contents of the Congress’s agenda, and of the emerging political changes in the Czech Republic. It was apparent to them that it was imperative to invade the Czech Republic before the Congress took place. Only in this way could they prevent further reforms and personnel changes in the Communist Party and Government leadership. The invasion date of 21^st August was by no means a mere coincidence.

Since the very morning of 21^st August a great many people started preparations for the Congress. This course of action was also approved by the assembly of delegates from Prague and Central Bohemia; it took place on the evening of 20^th August in the building of the University of Economics.

Government of traitors

The majority of historians are of the opinion that it was President Ludvík Svoboda, who fundamentally influenced the future interpretation of 21^st August 1968. The occupying forces asked him to appoint a new government of traitors. This government would then ask the occupants for intervention, a step that would “legalize” the invasion.

It really was L. Svoboda, who took the decisive step, and refused to agree to appoint the government of collaborators. However, this move wasn’t just a result of the presidential office’s standpoint, but it was also directly influenced by the behaviour of all citizens, the young generation, professional people, soldiers and workers. In other words, it was a result of spontaneous and decisive resistance by a major part of society.

What happened next?

In the last minutes of 20^th August, Premier O. Černík announced to the members of the KSČ governing body that foreign armies had crossed our borders. Shortly before 2 a.m., the Government made a declaration, stating that the intervention happened without the knowledge of President, Chairman of the National Assembly and First Secretary of ÚV KSČ (Central Committee of KSČ ). The declaration also announced that the National Assembly, the Government and ÚV KSČ are summoned for an immediate discussion of the situation. The Government and the National Assembly met and issued a declaration that condemned the intervention.

What was going on at Prague Castle and in the government? The President issued a short declaration, stating that the intervention happened without his knowledge or agreement. He also appealed to citizens to stay calm while he and his officials were trying to find out as much as possible about what was happening. They established contact with the governing body of the National Assembly and with the Government. Members of the Government met as well, and B. Machačková asked the President to receive them. It was agreed that the President would receive them at 5 p.m.

On 21^st August, before midday, one of the traitors, Kolder, called the Presidential Office. He demanded to be received, together with other government officials. He arrived at 4 p.m., and was accompanied by Alois Indra, Kolder, Biľak and Jozef Lenárt. They turned up in a Soviet armoured vehicle and insisted that the situation was very serious. They claimed that they didn’t know what was going on with the other members, and that the Government and that the Central Committee itself was not functional. They insisted that it was necessary to take the initiative and establish a temporary governing body that would set things right and establish contact with representatives of countries, whose armies entered the Czechoslovakia. What they were in fact suggesting, was an interim unelected government, saying that currently there wasn’t any. They insisted that thissituation makes it impossible for National Assembly to carry out its duties. The President begun discussing the matters and inquired after PM Oldřich Černík. He, undoubtedly, knew that Černík was arrested, together with Dubček, Smrkovský and Kriegel. He wanted to find out where they were and whether they were all right. The traitors insisted that they knew nothing. Afterwards, Indra read names of politicians he was suggesting for the temporary government. The President realised that he had to give careful consideration to the proposal and evaluate the situation. He suggested a meeting of top Party Councillors.

After the visit, the President also received the existing government ministers, temporarily chaired by Mrs Machačová. The Prime Minister and other members of the government had been arrested by the Soviets and kept at an unknown location. The President stated that he considered this government lawful, and therefore wouldn’t make any decisions without having previously negotiated any decisions.

However, he didn’t mention the previous visit of Indra, Koldr and Biľak. He also kept silent about all their proposals. In the evening, he held a second speech. He expressed a hope that the government lead by PM, O. Černík, and other constitutional bodies will soon be able to discharge their functions. This is how at Prague Castle the events of 21^st August finished.

People showed their opinion

During that day, the majority of citizens demonstrated their attitude to the invasion by spontaneously and decisively condemning it. It was them who gave a unique, dramatic colour to the events of those days. They anticipated what kind of people suggested the establishment of the collaborationist government, which would replace the lawful existing constitutional bodies. On top of that, Brezhnev’s leadership issued a declaration announcing that the army was invited to enter Czechoslovakia by Czech party leaders asking for help in dealing with contra-revolutionary forces. People were asking: Who invited them? It couldn’t have been Dubček, Černík, Smrkovský as they were arrested by the Soviets and no one knew their whereabouts. This was once again a proud and self-confident nation of people who knew what they wanted, who valued their sovereignty and freedom, and who were ready to make sacrifices.

Who was afraid and what of

In the meantime, on 21^st August in the afternoon, about two dozen members of the Central Committee met in the Hotel Praha. Biľak, Kolder and Barbírek arrived at the meeting accompanied by two Soviet officers. The discussion revealed that they had no interest in taking any measures against the occupation. They were playing for time, postponing any decisions, and in the meantime they were conducting underhand negotiations with the new collaborationist government.

We didn’t invite these delegates to the 14^th Congress. It was the Municipal Committee of KSČ which took this right from our hands. We have to prevent the Municipal Committee from undertaking similar steps, said Vilém Nový. We can’t summon the Congress, said Drahomír Kolder. I recommend for the Central Committee to meet on Monday, in five days time, the Congress will therefore have to be postponed, suggested Miloš Jakeš. ”It is not possible to summon the Congress,” thundered Vasil Biľak:

It is obvious what they were scared of. There was an obvious danger that the Congress would remove them from the Party and State leadership, and they wouldn’t be able to carry on with their collaborative undertakings. This so called “one-third session” of ÚV KSČ didn’t adopt any decision. These events worked as a warning against people like Biľak, Kolder a Indra; people, who obviously endeavoured to manipulate the members of the Central Party Committee; people, who wanted to legitimise the army invasion and negotiate with the invaders.

Congress took place regardless

The 14^th Congress was being prepared all through the night from 21^st to 22^nd August. The organisation was very demanding as it took place under the difficult conditions of foreign occupation. On Thursday morning, 22^nd August, delegates started to gather in one of the ČKD Vysočany factories. However, a significant part of the delegates from Slovakia were absent.

The talks started in the afternoon, and at first they took the form of a debate between delegates. They agreed that there was a danger of the collaborationist government being established, and that it was necessary to put a check on such an intention. Afterwards they tabled a motion for the debate to be changed into a congress. It was in these circumstances that the highest Party body was established.

The Congress adopted many documents, among others “Proclamation to the regions of Czechoslovakia”, which demanded for all the State and Party representatives to be released. Other documents adopted were “Proclamation to the Nation of Slovakia” and “Proclamation to Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world”. To express their protest against occupation, the delegates also decided to call a national strike for 12 o’clock of the following day. This strike really happened. Biľak, Lenárt, Jakeš, Indra, Kolder and similar people weren't elected, and Alexander Dubček was re-elected for the role of First Secretary.

The Congress immediately informed both Czechoslovakian and the international public about the result of the meeting. The Congress continued late into the night.

Moscow responded immediately. For dozens of years its politicians had been teaching their own ministers as well as other comrades to respect the resolutions of Communist Party congresses. What were they supposed to do about the Vysocany Congress and its resolutions? For the first time, they said things like: These were usurpers who met to impose their revisionist right-wing views upon the Party and people of the Czechoslovakia. This attitude was an omen of the future.

It is typical that Communists decided to delete the Vysocany Congress from their history. They replaced it with XIV Congress, which took place as late as 1971, in the harsh times of “normalisation”.