Moscow won a resounding victory. Soviets dictated the terms, choosing which of the Spring 68’s politicians would stay at his/her post, who would leave immediately and who later. They determined which Czechoslovakian politicians were allowed to become members of the official foreign delegation. This is how it happened that Smrkovský didn’t go with the others to Moscow’s meeting. So, in the end, only Dubček, Černík and a new face, Husák, were allowed to meet Brezhnev and the others.
Forced signing on TV
Quickly it became obvious that Dubček was wrong to expect that at least some of the previous reformist politics can be preserved. Soviets dealt with the delegation as though its members were just mere vassals. They categorically refused any arguments, and demanded the complete dissolution of the reformist process, and total submission of antisocialist forces. According to Soviets; Czechoslovakia didn’t fulfil any commitment stated in the August Moscow Protocol. They also stated that all material damages and casualties were due to the resistance of antisocialist forces, and the Soviet army was not to be blamed because it was merely protecting socialism. They also said that moral terror against the “healthy forces” in KSČ (the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) rules in Czechoslovakia. Kremlin’s politicians didn’t want to back down regarding the withdrawal of their troops, which is what Czechoslovakian’s representatives asked for. There were lots of verbal threats. The condition was that the withdrawal of a major part of troops would occur by the signing of a treaty that would allow for certain number of Soviet soldiers to permanently stay at our territory
These demands were absolutely shocking and unexpected for Czechoslovakian representatives. The impact on the public was devastating. Hundreds of letters signed mostly by work teams found their way to headquarters of the Czechoslovakian Government and the Communist Party. They demanded to stick to post January developments. One such letter was sent by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakian TV. They voiced fears that the country would return to before-January state, and expressed indignation that stem from the way media in Warsaw Pact countries informed about the matter. The letter demanded for the Party leadership to take a firm stand on this campaign. Czechoslovakian TV, Radio and News Agency asked for defence of freedom. There was a unity between non-party members and reformist communists, and certain points of KSČ’s committee were backed also by trade unions.
Nevertheless, the pressure from Moscow was unrelenting. Prime Minister Černík repeatedly negotiated with his counterpart Kosygin, but to no avail. On 16th October, the following politicians arrived to Prague: Prime Minister Kosygin, Gromyko (Minister of Foreign Affairs) with his Secretary, Kuznetsov; Andrei Grechko (Minister of Defence). These gentlemen, together with Chervonenko, (Soviet Ambassador in Prague), and commanders of the occupying army participated on signing “The treaty between Soviet and Czechoslovakian Government about conditions of temporary stay of Soviet troops at Czechoslovakian territory”. According to Antonína Benčík’s book In Tentacles of the Kremlin's Octopus, Kosygin and Grechko threatened Czechoslovakian representatives (President Svoboda, Černík, Smrkovský) that should they not sign the treaty, or in case of any further resistance, Prague, Bratislava and other cities will be occupied again. The other threat was that Soviets would also appoint pro-Soviet people to all levels of state governance.
The Prime Minister signed the humiliating treaty in the afternoon. The television staff was also there, and so attentive viewers were able to see Černík’s stony face. Alexandra Dubček’s lowered head was a picture of resignation and failure.
What was kept back from the public was the protocol to the treaty, setting the number of Soviet soldiers in Czechoslovakia to 70 thousand. Another point of the protocol stated future establishment of airports, hospitals, flats and training premises – simply all that was necessary for permanent occupation.
The treaty had to be approved by parliament. Members of National Assembly received two hundred resolutions signed by thousands of citizens, requesting for the treaty not to be approved. After discussions in National Assembly’s committees, 228 members voted in favour of the treaty, ten abstained from voting, and four were against: Fr. Kriegel, Fr. Vodsloň, B. Fuková, and G. Sekaninová-Čakrtová. In the afternoon, President Svoboda signed the treaty.
Not much permitted, lots rejected
At the beginning of August, a trial with five citizens started in Moscow. On 25th August, these people on Red Square demonstrated against occupation of Czechoslovakia. Louis Aragon is one example of many famous foreigners who voiced their protests against August 68. Meanwhile, in Czechoslovakia the situation worsened.
Nevertheless, there were some positive points: an army court resumed hearings of the trial from 1949 with General Heliodor Píka. Minister of Internal Affairs handed to representative of youth organisations Pionýr and Junák the approved statutes of those organisations. The Academy of Science of Czechoslovakia published a critical analysis of the so called White Book, a publication written by a group of Soviet journalists that dealt with the events in Czechoslovakia. Hungarian, Polish and Bulgarian troops started withdrawing from Czechoslovakia, and were later followed by a part of Soviet troops. On the other hand, the National Assembly approved Act 128/1968 Coll., and according to this act, only those organisations staid legal that were members of the National Front. Organisations established in spring didn’t fulfil this condition. The act was therefore an explicit message to all citizens that days of grouping are over. Everyone not accepted by the National Front was illegal. Already at the beginning of the month the Act affected the Slovakian organisation for protection of human rights. The Ministry of Internal Affairs simply didn’t approve its statutes.
Fifty year anniversary of Republic
At the end of October 1968, the state of affairs in Czechoslovakia didn’t call for any kind of celebrations. On the eve of the anniversary, President Ludvík Svoboda laid wreath on graves of
T. G. Masaryk and E. Beneš. Ceremonial session of ÚV KSČ (Central Committee of KSČ), the National Front, the National Assembly and Government, commemorating 50 year anniversary of the Republic, took place on 28th October. Nevertheless, people in the streets didn’t feel like celebrating. In Prague, Brno, Bratislava and other cities, university students demonstrated against the destruction of freedom and against the process of “normalization.
The most important event was that on 27th October the National Assembly approved Acts about federal structure of the State and about the status of nationalities. Three days later a ceremonial act took place at Bratislava Castle, where top Czechoslovakian representatives signed the “Act about the Federative structure of ČSSR.
This is how the opening split regarding the question of Czech and Slovak’s coexistence in one state was finally solved. Ironically enough, what in December 1967 marked the beginning of the crisis in KSČ, meant in October 1968 also the end of after-January development.
Source: period press, totalita.cz etc.
