In the beginning there were elections
We apologise for repeating the sentence as it has been already used but it is a very apt one. We would like also to remember a scene from a wonderful movie The Elementary School from director Zdenek Svěrák. He also plays the part of Souček who goes with pupils and their class teacher Igor Hnízdo (played by Josef Tříska) for a trip to the Czech pre-war fortifications. They talk about politics. Hnízdo made a guess that Communists will win the elections. Souček said:
I predict the same and that’s why I am not going to vote for them. Their program is not bad. We are against collective farms and all forms of collectivisation. Communists stand for healthy development of crafts, trading and retail.
He goes on to explain that he always supports smaller parties because that makes the political scene more balanced. Strong parties feel less sure and are less arrogant.
What election was the gentleman talked about? They discussed the 1946 elections for the National Assembly. Previously the situation was as follows:
After the war, on 5th April, the session in Košice took place where the program of the new joint state was adopted and measures for its restitution were set. Communists managed to push through most of their ideas; it was already in previous sessions in Moscow that they managed to force the other parties into the defensive. For that purpose they accused other parties for being partly responsible for the Munich dictate. They also pointed to their own and Soviet’s important role in the struggle against Nazism.
The National Front (Národní fronta) was at the political forefront– it was a kind of a forced coalition of all parties that claimed to be taking up traditions of the First Republic and were connected with the anti-Nazis resistance. Members of government were recruited from the Frony. Legislation didn’t exist yet and it was temporarily replaced by presidential decrees.
The following parties were members of the National Front:
Bohemia and Moravia:
- The Czech Communist Party (KSČ)
- The Czechoslovak National Socialist Party (ČSNS)
- The Czechoslovak People's Party (ČSL)
- The Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (ČSSD)
Slovakia:
- The Slovak communist Party (KSS)
- The Slovak Democratic Party (DS)
It is apparent that the Communists managed to dominate the Czech and Slovakian political scene and were at an advantage. It is also clear that there was no right-wing party in Bohemia. This was the Communists doing and they significantly weakened right-wing voters.
The National Assembly elections in 1946 were democratic on the whole and the result was as follows: Out of three hundred seats, the Czech and the Slovakian Communist Party won 114 seats altogether. The Czechoslovak National Socialist Party won 55 seats (one of them took Milada Horáková), The Czechoslovak People's Party secured 46, the Slovak Democratic Party got 43 seats, The Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party won 37 seats and other parties were left with 5 seats.
From the above figures it is apparent that many people were voting for Communists. There were many reasons for that, the basic ones were:
- The War and gratitude to liberators (especially to the Red Army)
- The President Beneš’s shift towards Stalin during the War
- The Munich, mistrust in the West
- Discontent with the First Republic policy that wasn’t as ideal as is currently so often considered
- The Communist program that “wasn’t bad”
- Lack of experience of dealing with the Communist Party, trust in this new party
- Obligation to vote and white cards
- Other parties underestimated the situation, they were giving in to Communists before the elections as they hoped that after the elections everything returns to normality
- Some of the steps of the National Front (such as expropriation of German properties and its dividing, land reform) were interpreted as positive and credited the Communists
Communists “worked” on it for long time
Some Communists had been preparing during the Second World War to take over power, even if it meant using violence. One of the examples is the Krčmaňsky scandal, an attempt to assassinate three non-communist ministers; it was prepared with the knowledge of the Prague administration of the Communist Party. The investigation discovered secret Communist warehouses with heavy machine-guns, rifles and machine rifles, hand-grenades). Communists were recruiting citizens that lived in poor conditions and were easily won for the idea of the “better future” for which rich and intellectuals were going to be sacrificed.
It is also important to know that during the War the Communist party was infiltrated by the members of other parties. After the War these people stayed in the Party that became a convenient hideout. Also other people were entering the Communist Party. They belonged to parties that were after the War threatened by Beneš Decrees, one of them was e.g. a party called Vlajka (Falg).
So the structure of the Communist Party was rather diverse. It was dominated by a bureaucratic wing that was against the First Republic and against farmers. They were often getting rid of responsibility with the help of bureaucratic procedures when every decision went through a big number of hands and there was no clear author. Personal interests, injustice and actions that were unconstitutional were done in the name of higher interests and alleged instructions from the head office, Moscow and Stalin’s Soviet Union. Deceit and disrespect for the truth became means for establishment of the totalitarian authority of the Communist Party and to its maintenance.
Pluralistic system of political parties was replaced by the dictate and directorial activity of action committees of the National Front that consisted of members of the Communist Party. They gradually managed to gain control of the gendarmerie; police were already called the National Security Corps, army and labour organisations. On 2nd July 1946 the chairman of the Communist Party and later president Klement Gottwald became the Prime Minister. Communists used post-war chaos, insecurity and radicalism as well as “post-Munich disappointment” and weakness of the President Edvard Beneš for their purpose.
After the victorious elections
Communists had a landslide victory in the elections. They set up the government lead by Gottwald and inconspicuously but intensively started to work on gaining power. They still governed in the spirit of the unified National Front but were exercising their influence at individual posts. Their first attempt was when they tried to replace the National Court Judge. Afterwards they created the People’s Militia, changes in industry, farmer’s laws, refusal of the Marshall plan (it was recommended by Moscow) or millionaire’s fee. Demands for nationalisation were increasing. Communists were installing their supporters wherever possible with a deal of great success. The February of 1948 was drawing near…
…February 1948
On 13the February 1948 the Home Secretary Nosek replaced a few commanders of the National Security Corps by loyal Communists. Democratic parties demanded explanation but they didn’t get any. This was the beginning of the government crisis. History books say that it was brought on by the so called Security resolution.
The government had 26 members, 12 of them were members of democratic parties who rashly resigned and demanded the creation of a caretaker government. That was possible but another constitutional option was to replace the minority of government. These 12 members also didn’t consult President Beneš and other non-communist colleagues such as Social Democrats or Jan Masaryk. The President Beneš wanted to keep the unified National Front and turn down the idea of a caretaker government. Gottwald was persistent in pushing through his intention to replace ministers and to govern. In eight days of the government crisis Communists set up the People’s Militia and mobilised the army. The National Security Corps were arresting opponents. On 25th 1948 the President accepted resignations and nominated new ministers that were recommended by Gottwald..
Members of local and regional people’s committees were replaced by Communists. They had local gendarmerie in their command that was changed in the National Security Corps, which were reporting to the Communist Party,
On 11th March, a day after the hitherto unexplained death of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Jan Masaryk, the new Communist government was confirmed. On the 9th May the new constitution was accepted that proclaimed the Democratic Peoples Republic. On the 30th May the elections with obligatory attendance and with no other option than to vote candidates that were on the list of the National Front took place which was controlled by Communist. On 2nd June the President Beneš resigned on grounds of health and on 14th July Klement Gottwald, who was a chairman of the Communist Party and Prime Minister, was elected as his successor. The new government came into being, its chairman was Antonín Zápotocký.
Chronology of the events
We already said that there were 26 ministers in the government. Nine of them were Communists, 3 Social Democrats, 12 so called “non-communist” or “bourgeoisie” (they belonged to other parties and 2 were independent.
Already in 1947 the government was negatively influenced by many quarrels that verged on cabinet crisis. The tense situation was enhanced by the increasing uncertainty of Communists who weren’t sure about their victory in May 1948 election and were worried that the anticommunist wing may prevail in the Social Democratic Party. Since 1848 the tension was even more increasing. At first it was during the discussions about the Act “About the permanent arrangement of the farmland ownership” and the increase in salaries of state and public employees.
Very significant for further development was a dispute over the change in the headquarters of the police, the National Security Corps. These changes came as a reaction of the Home Secretary Václav Nosek at the demands from non-communists to investigate all politically motivated incidents (Krčmaň and Most affairs). On 13th February the government passed a resolution that should have prevented further changes done by Communists.
17th February (Tuesday)
The cabinet crisis begins. Government is supposed to discuss the Minister of Justice report about the security abuse by Communists that was related to the government resolution from 13th February 1948. The Prime Minister Gottwald refused the discussion on the ground of the Home Secretary’s absence. Ministers from the National Socialist, People’s and Democratic Parties (three non-communist parties) are planning to resign if the government resolution is not met. They relied on support from the Social Democratic Party and on the President who has rather significant rights. His right was to establish a caretaker government and call an election or refuse the resignation.
Gottwald informed Beneš about the non-communist parties plan to establish a caretaker government. The president refused the idea and announced that in the new government representatives of all parties will be present. The Communist Party Central Committee appealed to working people to be
Alert and prepared to strike against reactionaries,
he also places the Prague National Security, intelligence unions and frontier army troops in full alert.
18th February (Wednesday)
At the meeting of the sub commission of the National Front, its chairman Gottwald refused to discus the state of affairs inside of the organisation and in the government. The three non-communist parties decided to boycott government meetings until the 13th February government resolution is implemented. Social Democrats are for reconciliation and for the preservation of the National Front. The President discussed with National Socialists and according to them, he backed up the demands for the implementation of the government resolution from 13th February. He was also allegedly informed about the planned resignation (that he later denied).
19th February (Thursday)
Non-communists parties had lots of meetings and it is apparent that they decided for the resignation of their ministers. Communists tried persuading Social Democrats to change their attitude towards the resolution about Security and to agree to the formation of the unified left wing government. They refused the non-communists ministers intent to further demand the fulfilment of the disputed resolution and if it is not done they intended to resign. This news was secretly delivered to Gottwald who informed the President, saying that non-communist ministers want to depose the government. Beneš was against the idea of a caretaker government and promised that Gottwald will stay a Prime Minister even in a new government. The Czechoslovakian cabinet crisis began to attract attention of foreign countries. The Soviet Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Valerian Zorin, flew to Prague and American ambassador, Lawrence Steinhardt, ended his treatment and returned to work.
20th February (Friday)
The government meeting was attended only by Communists and Social Democrats. Minster from the National Socialist Party handed to Gottwald two formally written questions regarding the fulfilment of the government resolution. He responded to the first one, also in writing, saying that the matter will be discussed. Ministers of the three non-communist parties resigned and informed the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jan Masaryk, about the step. He refused. Social Democrats decided neither to resign nor to join Communists. The President is therefore informed about the resignation of ministers form three parties. Gottwald discussed the matter with the President and he suggested to accept their resignation and replaced ministers according to the Communist’s proposal. He plans a big demonstration in the support of Communists’ proposal the Old Town Square.
21st February (Saturday)
A communist demonstration took place at the Old Town Square. Communist demanded for the crisis to be solved by completing the government by Gottwald’s candidates. At the same time a few smaller demonstrations of other parties took place but their leaders just tried to calm members down. The President was pressurised by working class, they demanded in writing an execution of Gotwald’s proposals. He also received a deputation of trade union’s members who were at the demonstration. They ordered him to follow the will of people. Communists started creating their own armed forces – People’s Militia. National Front’s Action Committees were also established; their members were not elected but nominated. Their main task to “purify society from non-communists” will be later legalized by a special act.
22nd February (Sunday)
The Congress of Work’s committees took place and Communists had a main say. The outcome was a resolution that demanded further nationalisation and authorised a one hour long general strike on 24th February. Communists were still trying to make social democrats agree with the shared government. The president announced that he is prepared to accept the resignation of ministers. Political enemies of the Communists party were arrested on the basis of fabrication concerning an alleged danger of a coup. People’s Militia were armed and inspections in party secretariats took place. The Home Secretary gave an order to guard bridges, strategic buildings and the broadcasting station. Armed troops from border areas came to Prague. Soviet Communist papers Pravda (the Truth) published an article that supported Communists in their efforts.
23rd February (Monday)
The National Security (police) arrested members of parties whose ministers resigned. The People’s Militia was becoming more armed and the activities of non-communist parties became restricted. Action committees appealed to no-communist ministers to leave their posts. Social Democrats refused to voice their intentions regarding the participation in the government. However, they support nationalisation. House searches were carried. Non-communist parties still believed in the peaceful settlement of the crisis with the help of the President Beneš. The President tried to make Gotwald sustain the old National Front but he refused. Beneš insisted and informed the National Socialist minister about his intention not to submit to Communist pressure. The President got support from more then ten thousand National Socialists university students and their supporters who marched to the Castle.
24th February (Tuesday)
At 12 o’clock the general strike started. The strike was attended by 2.5 million workers and it was declared in support of social and economic demands. The National Socialist Party stepped out against the formation of action committees and more of its representatives were arrested. The party’s newspaper Svobodné slovo (Independent Word) stopped being published. The action committee was established within the People’s Party and took control over the daily paper Lidová demokracie (People’s Democracy). The People’s Militia occupied the secretariat building of the Social Democratic Party and subsequently also Lidový dům (People’s House). Because of the pressure the party in the end decided to take part in the future Gotwald government. Communists suppressed resistance from other parties and they started to pressurise the President. They organised signature campaigns demanding resignation of ministers and they threatened with another general strike.
25th February (Wednesday)
Communists took further steps to replace the National Front; the Central Action Committee of the National Front was established where also social democrats, important personalities and trade unions representatives were presented. Representatives of the National Socialists wanted to meet with the President but he didn’t receive them. He received a list with the names of the new government from communists and he promised to make a quick decision. Communists keep pressurising and prepared a demonstration at the Wenceslas Square for the morning. In a case of resistance on the President’s side the demonstration should have be moved to Hradčany. Six thousand armed members of People’s Militia were in a state of emergency. At 4.30 p.m. the President had a short meeting with Gottwald. He announced that he accepted the resignation of ministers and agrees to supplement the government according to the Gottwald suggestion. Gottwald informed the management of the Communist Party and later on also people that were gathered at Wenceslas Square. In the evening there was a parade of People’s Militia and units of frontier police. The only visible resistance against communists was a demonstration of about five thousand university students, teachers and journalists. They managed to get to the Prague Castle in spite of the resistance from People’s Militia. Many of them were arrested, imprisoned and forced to leave schools. The President didn’t receive them.
Quotation from the Klementa Gottwald speech that took place at the Old Town Square on 25th February 1948:
”I’ve just came back from the Castle where I saw the President. This morning I put forward a proposal that he accepts the resignation of ministers who resigned on the 20th February of this year. At the same time I suggested a list of people that could supplement and restore the government. I announce that the President fully accepted all my proposals.”
International context
J.V.Stalin dissolved the Third Communist International with big pomp. For several months he stopped talking about the export of revolution and this topic was replaced with talks about peace and cooperation, rights, freedom and protection of small nations. The West was full of the now unbelievable belief that Bolshevik regime
is not dangerous for European civilisation and its society.
According to contemporaries, the wave of Russia-philia in England affected everyone from workers to the House of Lords and British government signed in 1942 a 20 year treaty of alliance with the Soviet Union.
Jan Masaryk commented on the alliance in 1944:”We agreed with the Russians that they won’t meddle with our internal affairs and our democracy in 1938.” If he didn’t count with the possibility of the breach of contract, he was a useless Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The twentieth century was a century of many breaches! Let’s take Prussia that guaranteed eternal neutrality of Belgium. In spite of that, the Chief of the Prussian general staff A.von Schlieffen planned an invasion of Belgium for the year 1905. The plan was carried by the emperor Vilém II and the attempts to prosecute him for war crimes were of no avail.
The writer Alexandr Solženicyn said that after the war “Progressive Learning was pulled out to see the light of day again and was rid of the smell of naphthalene”. The so called law of Čeka won even in our countries. This law is based on the conviction that its ideology is the best and most rightful and that all kind of wilfulness can be done in its name. Later on non-communists politicians blamed citizens: ”In 1946 our citizens and electors forgot that an agreement or program can be carried, maintained and its breach made impossible only if it is supported by democratic majority that is willing to protect it with all the means…That was the beginning of the fall of the Czech democracy and our national tragedy.”
But on what grounds were citizens supposed to ”protect democracy by all means” against Bolsheviks if it were only Bolsheviks who were agitating for people to defend it? Dr.Hubert Ripka and dr.Prokop Drtina were both experienced resistance fighters from London. However, at the time of February they didn’t understand the situation any more and were quite useless. On 23rd February 1948 Dr. Ripka denied the warnings about the danger as “female panicking” and insisted that “we keep communists under control”. On 24th February 1948 Dr. Drtina at the sitting of the central committee of his party said that
the most important guarantee of safety and the biggest security consists in the close cooperation with the Soviet Union.
Many professional politicians had their eyes opened already in exile and prison.
Was it Coup or Political Takeover?
These days there is a predominant opinion that February 48 was a coup because of the following main unlawful steps:
- Arming of communists’ own paramilitary (People’s Militia),
- Seizure of editorial offices of non-communist newspapers and prevention of their publishing
- Police brutally dispersed students demonstration in support of the president Beneš
According to others, the February Coup wasn’t really a coup because it wasn’t a violent takeover of power by armed forces.
We have to however, take into account that during the government crisis communists disposed of a significant quantity of armed units. National security, People’s Militia and border troops were ready to immediately intervene. In Slovakia, partisans from the Slovakian Partisans Unit were ready to set towards Prague. Communists had armed thousands people. It is apparent that if there was a need they wouldn’t hesitate to use these armed forces for the enforcement of their interests.
The Communists didn’t hesitate to breach constitutional law and they didn’t respect government decisions. They were breaking the basic principles of a democratic state. Since the end of the war they had been strengthening their position in security units until they took them over completely. They were setting networks of agents, informers, secret members of the Communist Party infiltrated other parties of the National Front in order to gain control over them. During the government crisis they openly carried political purges and were dismissing people from employment. They were encroaching on the freedom of the press and meetings, imprisoning politicians from other parties etc. A significant part was played by action committees of the National Front that were established completely unlawfully and whose activity was in violation of the constitution. The same is true for the People’s Militia, armed units belonging to one political (communist) party. These aspects surely determine the character of the communists’ takeover as an unconstitutional coup.
The Constitution was just the solution of the government crisis. Ministers resigned and the President accepted their resignation and supplemented the government according to its Prime Minister’s suggestion. The government subsequently gained the confidence of the Parliament. Formally the proceeding was in accordance with the constitution. In reality all these steps, especially the President decision to accept the ministers’ resignation, happened in the atmosphere full of intimidations, repressions and political despotism.
The February Coup was “semi legal”, without bloodshed and roundups. The real Bolshevik terror started soon after the February 1948 and clearly showed what kind of people came into power.
Source: http://myego.cz/blog/eles, www.svedomi.cz, wikipedia, totality etc